51-The "Liberal Understanding" party and the unions of "Nikehban" and the "Friends of England" formed one party

The “Liberal Understanding” party and the unions of “Nikehban” and the “Friends of England” formed one party

Considering the various schemes planned in Stambul under the eyes of the Government by our enemies at home and abroad and the Padishah knowing and, as far as we could see, approving of them, it was perfectly unjustifiable for us to wait until these machinations had been crowned with success, in the puerile hope that the Government would put a stop to them.

The news we received on the 20 th October, at the moment when we were opening our negotiations at Amasia, may be summarised thus :

The “Liberal Understanding” party and the unions of “Nikehban” and the “Friends of England” formed one party. They continued, with the help of individuals like Ali Kemal and Said Molla, to incite the non-Mohamedan elements against the national forces. The Greek and Armenian patriarchs turned to the representatives of the Allied Powers in an attitude that was hostile to the national forces. In a letter published in the “Neologos,” Sawin Effendi, the Georgian Patriarch, states that the Armenians are emigrating again on account of the national operations. A man called Hikmet, a brother of Kiasim who had been hanged, acting on instructions received from Constantiople, had began to collect armed men in the vicinity of Ada Basar. We shall come across this name of Hikmet again in another important document. Also at Deirmendere, in the neighbourhood of Ada Basar, mercenaries had been collected. The rumour was spread that those who had been brought together and formed into bands were preparing to invade the district of Geiveh. It seems that the same thing was happening at Karadsha Bey. Raids were reported from the country around Brusa that were carried out against the national troops by gangs organised by, and in the pay of Gumudshineli Ismail. The “Nikehban” adherents who were in prison were all set free on the same day.

The appearance of bands organised by our enemies against the national troops, the undisguised activity of the opposition party, the hostile attitude of the Director of Police in Stambul, the inclusion in Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet of Ministers who were opposed to us all these circumstances were liable to produce discouragement and pessimism in our organised centres, especially in Constantinople itself. (Documents 171, 172.)

The Government were incapable of showing any sign by which we could feel that they were, speaking generally, following a clearly defined aim. On the other hand, they merely approved of the energetic reactionary activity of Sherif Pasha, Minister of the Interior. These facts were enough to provoke criticism and cause uneasiness.

In this connection, Angora was the first place to show unrest and

indecision. .

Accompanying a telegram in cipher signed by the late Hajati Bey I received on the 22 nd October at Amasia another telegram, also in cipher, that was sent by Yahia Galib Bey, the acting Vali of Angora, to Sivas on 15 th October.

It ran :

To His Excellency Mustapha Kemal Pasha.

Your Excellency, we cannot confide the fate of the nation to the hands of a government that understands nothing whatever about it, nor to the very first persons they send to us as Valis. As the in dications which we repeatedly had the honour of addressing to Your Excellency have not been attended to, the Government has become bold. As preliminary evidence of this mental attitude, we observe the appointment of Zia Pasha, formerly Vali of Bitlis, who had been appointed at that time by the notorious Cabinet of Ferid Pasha but could not be sent to take up the post as Vali of Angora, and the appointment of Subhi Bey, who could never show the ^ slightest ca pability in the whole of his administrative career, to Konia. At length we were driven to demand that no new official in Anatolia, who was a stranger to the place, should be chosen from elswhere until the Chamber of Deputies had been opened. If the present Government intend to send a new Vali to Angora, it can only be with the object of stifling the national movement that is so strong there. In the same way as Your Excellency retired from the Army and decided to work as a simple citizen, so has your servant made up his mind to retire from his office and in the same way dedicate himself to the service of the nation.

I beg Your Excellency to be kind enough to let me know to whom I shall hand over the management of affairs until the arrival of the Vali.

15 ** October, Yahia Galib,

Acting Vali at Angora.

The next day, the 23 rd , I received this telegram, dated the 2i si Oc tober, from Djemal Pasha:

No. 419 Kadi Keui, 21 st October, 1919.

To His Excellency Mustapha Kemal Pasha, Amasia,

The Civil Administration and Mufti of Angora announce that they do not want to accept a Vali who is a stranger to the place, and demand that the Vali appointed to this province shall be chosen from Angora itself. Similar claims, which are advanced practically everywhere, place the Government in a very difficult position. Our enemies and others explain this fact in different ways. Relying on your promise to assist the Government, I beg you to prevent a repetition of such attempts. You will naturally agree that the departure of the Vali, whose appointment has been confirmed by Imperial Irade, is out of the question, Djemal? Minister of War

With the Mufti at their head (His Eminence Rifaat Effendi, at present at the head of religious affairs), the population of Angora had actually addressed a protest to Constantinople.

I went to the telegraph instrument and sent a great deal of good advice to Angora that was calculated to allay their anxiety, and I begged them to refrain from doing anything that could injure the authority and influence of the Government. But, at the same time, I could not help recognising that Angora was in the right. At last, I wrote to Mahmud Bey, the provisional commander of the Army Corps at Angora, and recommended him to proceed quietly till I received an answer to the telegram I had sent to the Government through Djemal Pasha.

There is one more fact that must not be overlooked. We, the Representative Committee, had very accurately grasped the situation and the mentality of the Government. We understood that some of the Ministers regretted that they had consented to join the Govern ment and were looking for an excuse to retire. On the other hand, it did not escape us that our enemies at home and abroad were, in agreement with the Padishah, resolved to put another Cabinet in power to succeed Ali Riza Pasha s Ministry a Cabinet that would be capable of carrying out their designs openly and rapidly. For this reason, we regarded Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet as the lesser of the two evils. We had also to consider the advice given to us during the four or five days negotiations that followed the overthrow of Ferid Pasha with the intention of bringing about a speedy understanding with the new Cabinet.

Consequently, we felt it necessary to make further sacrifices if need be to gain our end.

I had drawn attention to this matter in my telegram in cipher to Mahmud Bey. (Document 173.)

This is my reply to Djemal Pasha: In cipher. Amasia, 24 th October, 1919.

Strictly confidential.

To His Excellency Djemal Pasha, Minister of War.

Reply to telegram in cipher of 21 st October. No. 419.

There is no doubt that the demand made by Angora regarding the Vali was the result of the following :

From reliable information received from Constantinople, it was evident that the English there, in combination with the Union of the “Friends of England” and the members of the “Liberal Understand ing” and the “Nikehban,” were working in conjunction with the Christian elements; that they had undertaken to send a great number of the followers of the opposition to Anatolia with the object of breaking up the national organisation and eventually overthrowing the Imperial Government ; that these agitators had actually started for Ada Basar and Brusa. Moreover, certain signs of their activity had been observed recently at Ada Basar. All these facts and circum stances were quite sufficient to produce unrest.

This uneasiness increased when it was rumoured that a statement had been made to Refet Bey by Subhi Bey, the new Vali of Konia, who had quite recently arrived there, to the effect that he was himself a member of the administrative council of the Society of the “Friends of England” in Constantinople.

Although no objection can be raised as to the character and the honour of Zia Pasha, who has just been appointed to the Vilayet of Angora, and no doubt can exist as to his importance and capability, they have hesitated to agree that a Vali who has not yet given suffi cient proof of these qualifications should be put at the head of a province like Angora, which was the centre of the national organisa tions and operations, until the situation had improved and quiet and confidence had been completely restored.

Whereas, as the result of the correspondence that had passed between the Representative Committee and the acting Vali, as well as the military commandant of Angora, it has been taken as natural that the orders of the Government were to be obeyed (and this has actually been the case), the people themselves considering that the guaran tees against the dangers are inadequate have thought it necessary to appeal direct to the Government and request that the present acting Vali, who is regarded as being devoted to the national movement, should be allowed to remain at his post until complete confidence has been restored. Touching this last request, we had again exchanged opinions with the competent authorities at Angora and we tried to ensure the reception of Zia Pasha even if that should be fraught with difficulty solely because we had no desire to impair the in fluence and authority of the Government. But we have failed to convince the people, who are alarmed at the possible dangers which the revolutionary intrigues and the anarchical agitation we have referred to could produce.

Surely His Excellency the Pasha, the Minister of the Interior, will not fail accurately to estimate the importance and the difficulty of the present situation and to notice the indefatigable and fiendish behaviour on the part of our enemies. Considering that he has only been in office for a short time, it is natural that we should excuse him for not yet knowing which of the officials can be trusted, as well as the additional fact that Keshfi Bey, who was Undersecretary of State under Aadil Bey, is still at his post. That it behoves us to be very careful in the election of a higher official can easily be appreciated.

Consequently, we beg Your Excellency to exercise your influence to postpone for the time being the dispatch of Zia Pasha and inform us that you agree to this. Mustapha Kemal.

On the 28 th October Ali Fuad Pasha transmitted the contents of a telegram in cipher which our organisation in Constantinople had addressed personally to myself. The information in this telegram was important.

The incident referred to that happened at Tsherkess Bekir has been looked upon as the beginning of a revolt of the people at Ada Basar and its vicinity against the national forces. A Council, consist ing of His Imperial Majesty, Fend Pasha, Aadil Bey, Said Molla and Ali Kemal Bey, had discussed how they could gain advantage from this incident and had erected a mountain of conjectures out of it.

This telegram also contained information about the man Hikmet, whom we have already heard about. This individual had left Amasia two months earlier and had gone to Ada Basar. He noticed that all those who were hostile to his family and his person in this district had joined the national organisations. He declared that he came from Amasia, that he know me, and that he alone had any right to form a national organisation; further, that he had tried to get into touch with Sivas. He met with opposition; whereupon Hikmet formed a counter-organisation. Said Molla, who heard about this, discovered a way to win Hikmet over. He incited him to persecute the Christians.

I beg you not to look upon the information I am giving you about Hikmet and the intrigues of our enemies to cause an anti-Christian movement as being waste of time, because these details will make it easier for you to understand certain events which we shall see later resulted from them. (Documents 174, 175.)

In this connection I would like to draw your attention to a tele gram I sent to Djemal Pasha:

Ciphered. Sivas, 3* st October, 1919.

To His Excellency Djemal Pasha, Minister of War.

Your Excellency will surely be aware of what has been happening in the district of Ada Basar in opposition to the Government and the national forces. Although this incident, thanks to the will of the united nation and the appropriate and decisive steps taken by the Imperial Government to counteract it, has been nullified, germs of discord and anarchy still exist in this district. There is no doubt whatever that the national movement will succeed in suppressing them also. It has, however, been reported that Damad Ferid Pasha, the former Minister of the Interior, Aadil Bey and Kemal Bey, as well as Said Molla, are among the originators and organisers of this revolt. Besides their treason against the country, these persons have committed another serious and dangerous offence by spreading the base rumour that His Imperial Majesty has presumably been well informed about their criminal attempts.

We urgently beg the honourable Ministerial Council to acquaint His Imperial Majesty of this in such manner as appears to them most desirable. The nation and the organisations surely cannot credit these calumnies. We consider that it is of the greatest importance to dispel any kind of distrust by publishing an official dementi on the spot in the name of the Imperial Government, and qualify such actions on the part of these agitators as falsehoods disseminated to sully^the reputation of the national unity; also to institute the necessary inquiries about these malicious individuals with the view of taking legal pro ceedings against them. Mustapha Kemal.

In the name of the Representative Committee.

I have explained to you in a few words why we thought it necess ary to uphold and assist Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet as far as possible, in spite of our opinion of the people who comprised it.

After my return to Sivas from Amasia, at a meeting of the Represen tative Committee at which others of our colleagues were also present, I entered into the most detailed particulars about the meeting that had been held at Amasia, as well as other matters. At this meeting we arrived at the following resolution, which is literally shown on the page recording our conference on the 2g t!l October:

Considering that all the members of Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet, with the Grand Vizier at their head, are weaklings incapable of acting with decision and have no higher ambition than to make themselves popu lar with and welcome to His Imperial Majesty; that some of them are favourably inclined towards and others antagonistic to the na tional movement; that His Majesty would be ready on the first favourable opportunity that presented itself to replace them by a Cabinet that will be strong enough to uphold autocracy, the Representative Committee determines and resolves that it is in the interest of the country and the nation to keep this Cabinet in power until the National Assembly has met and commenced its legislative duties.”

We actually passed this resolution. Let me tell you something that occurred to support it.

Our organisation in Constantinople sent us certain information on the 31 st October, which according to them emanated from a trust worthy source. This is what they said:

Tor the last two days, Kiras Hamdi Pasha has been going to the Imperial Palace and has remained there in audience for several hours. A plot has been hatched to form a Cabinet with Marshal SeM Pasha at its head. The other members are to include: Hamid Pasha, Minister of War; Prince Sabaheddin, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Tewfik Hamdi Bey, Minister of the Interior. Eshref, Mahir Said and others will be given the remaining portfolios. Sabaheddin and Mahir Said have not as yet been officially consulted. It is possible that His Majesty at a convenient moment, perhaps in the course of the next day or two, will propose to Ali Riza Pasha that he hands in his resignation. The party and the secret society we have mentioned before are involved in this plot.”

Then we wrote to Djemal Pasha on the 2 nd November, asking him to tell the Grand Vizier that he must not resign for any reason whatever, and that if he does the whole country will definitely break off all communication with Stambul. (Document 176.)

All the military commandants in Rumelia and Anatolia were informed about the actual state of affairs and the contents of this telegram, and were given to understand that all information concerning current events must be communicated to the general committees of the “Union for the Defence of the Rights” with which they were in direct touch. (Document 177.)

After Salih Pasha had returned to Stambul we entered into com munication with the Government on the question mentioned in the minutes of the 21 st October, and which during the course of my remarks I have emphasised as being of special importance, namely, the place where the Chamber of Deputies should meet. I am sure that the representations made to the Government through Djemal Pasha, as well as our own observations, are worthy of being re membered. As you will be able yourselves to form an idea about the exchange of opinions from the minutes of the first meetings of the Grand National Assembly, I think it will be unnecessary for me to refer to this question again. Our exchanges of opinion and our discussions, however, on this point were not confined to the cor respondence we carried on with the Government and with Djemal Pasha.

We insisted on ascertaining the views of the whole of the country and, especially, those of our organisations hi Constantinople.

The “Liberal Understanding” party and the unions of “Nikehban” and the “Friends of England” formed one party

Considering the various schemes planned in Stambul under the eyes of the Government by our enemies at home and abroad and the Padishah knowing and, as far as we could see, approving of them, it was perfectly unjustifiable for us to wait until these machinations had been crowned with success, in the puerile hope that the Government would put a stop to them.

The news we received on the 20 th October, at the moment when we were opening our negotiations at Amasia, may be summarised thus :

The “Liberal Understanding” party and the unions of “Nikehban” and the “Friends of England” formed one party. They continued, with the help of individuals like Ali Kemal and Said Molla, to incite the non-Mohamedan elements against the national forces. The Greek and Armenian patriarchs turned to the representatives of the Allied Powers in an attitude that was hostile to the national forces. In a letter published in the “Neologos,” Sawin Effendi, the Georgian Patriarch, states that the Armenians are emigrating again on account of the national operations. A man called Hikmet, a brother of Kiasim who had been hanged, acting on instructions received from Constantiople, had began to collect armed men in the vicinity of Ada Basar. We shall come across this name of Hikmet again in another important document. Also at Deirmendere, in the neighbourhood of Ada Basar, mercenaries had been collected. The rumour was spread that those who had been brought together and formed into bands were preparing to invade the district of Geiveh. It seems that the same thing was happening at Karadsha Bey. Raids were reported from the country around Brusa that were carried out against the national troops by gangs organised by, and in the pay of Gumudshineli Ismail. The “Nikehban” adherents who were in prison were all set free on the same day.

The appearance of bands organised by our enemies against the national troops, the undisguised activity of the opposition party, the hostile attitude of the Director of Police in Stambul, the inclusion in Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet of Ministers who were opposed to us all these circumstances were liable to produce discouragement and pessimism in our organised centres, especially in Constantinople itself. (Documents 171, 172.)

The Government were incapable of showing any sign by which we could feel that they were, speaking generally, following a clearly defined aim. On the other hand, they merely approved of the energetic reactionary activity of Sherif Pasha, Minister of the Interior. These facts were enough to provoke criticism and cause uneasiness.

In this connection, Angora was the first place to show unrest and

indecision. .

Accompanying a telegram in cipher signed by the late Hajati Bey I received on the 22 nd October at Amasia another telegram, also in cipher, that was sent by Yahia Galib Bey, the acting Vali of Angora, to Sivas on 15 th October.

It ran :

To His Excellency Mustapha Kemal Pasha.

Your Excellency, we cannot confide the fate of the nation to the hands of a government that understands nothing whatever about it, nor to the very first persons they send to us as Valis. As the in dications which we repeatedly had the honour of addressing to Your Excellency have not been attended to, the Government has become bold. As preliminary evidence of this mental attitude, we observe the appointment of Zia Pasha, formerly Vali of Bitlis, who had been appointed at that time by the notorious Cabinet of Ferid Pasha but could not be sent to take up the post as Vali of Angora, and the appointment of Subhi Bey, who could never show the ^ slightest ca pability in the whole of his administrative career, to Konia. At length we were driven to demand that no new official in Anatolia, who was a stranger to the place, should be chosen from elswhere until the Chamber of Deputies had been opened. If the present Government intend to send a new Vali to Angora, it can only be with the object of stifling the national movement that is so strong there. In the same way as Your Excellency retired from the Army and decided to work as a simple citizen, so has your servant made up his mind to retire from his office and in the same way dedicate himself to the service of the nation.

I beg Your Excellency to be kind enough to let me know to whom I shall hand over the management of affairs until the arrival of the Vali.

15 ** October, Yahia Galib,

Acting Vali at Angora.

The next day, the 23 rd , I received this telegram, dated the 2i si Oc tober, from Djemal Pasha:

No. 419 Kadi Keui, 21 st October, 1919.

To His Excellency Mustapha Kemal Pasha, Amasia,

The Civil Administration and Mufti of Angora announce that they do not want to accept a Vali who is a stranger to the place, and demand that the Vali appointed to this province shall be chosen from Angora itself. Similar claims, which are advanced practically everywhere, place the Government in a very difficult position. Our enemies and others explain this fact in different ways. Relying on your promise to assist the Government, I beg you to prevent a repetition of such attempts. You will naturally agree that the departure of the Vali, whose appointment has been confirmed by Imperial Irade, is out of the question, Djemal? Minister of War

With the Mufti at their head (His Eminence Rifaat Effendi, at present at the head of religious affairs), the population of Angora had actually addressed a protest to Constantinople.

I went to the telegraph instrument and sent a great deal of good advice to Angora that was calculated to allay their anxiety, and I begged them to refrain from doing anything that could injure the authority and influence of the Government. But, at the same time, I could not help recognising that Angora was in the right. At last, I wrote to Mahmud Bey, the provisional commander of the Army Corps at Angora, and recommended him to proceed quietly till I received an answer to the telegram I had sent to the Government through Djemal Pasha.

There is one more fact that must not be overlooked. We, the Representative Committee, had very accurately grasped the situation and the mentality of the Government. We understood that some of the Ministers regretted that they had consented to join the Govern ment and were looking for an excuse to retire. On the other hand, it did not escape us that our enemies at home and abroad were, in agreement with the Padishah, resolved to put another Cabinet in power to succeed Ali Riza Pasha s Ministry a Cabinet that would be capable of carrying out their designs openly and rapidly. For this reason, we regarded Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet as the lesser of the two evils. We had also to consider the advice given to us during the four or five days negotiations that followed the overthrow of Ferid Pasha with the intention of bringing about a speedy understanding with the new Cabinet.

Consequently, we felt it necessary to make further sacrifices if need be to gain our end.

I had drawn attention to this matter in my telegram in cipher to Mahmud Bey. (Document 173.)

This is my reply to Djemal Pasha: In cipher. Amasia, 24 th October, 1919.

Strictly confidential.

To His Excellency Djemal Pasha, Minister of War.

Reply to telegram in cipher of 21 st October. No. 419.

There is no doubt that the demand made by Angora regarding the Vali was the result of the following :

From reliable information received from Constantinople, it was evident that the English there, in combination with the Union of the “Friends of England” and the members of the “Liberal Understand ing” and the “Nikehban,” were working in conjunction with the Christian elements; that they had undertaken to send a great number of the followers of the opposition to Anatolia with the object of breaking up the national organisation and eventually overthrowing the Imperial Government ; that these agitators had actually started for Ada Basar and Brusa. Moreover, certain signs of their activity had been observed recently at Ada Basar. All these facts and circum stances were quite sufficient to produce unrest.

This uneasiness increased when it was rumoured that a statement had been made to Refet Bey by Subhi Bey, the new Vali of Konia, who had quite recently arrived there, to the effect that he was himself a member of the administrative council of the Society of the “Friends of England” in Constantinople.

Although no objection can be raised as to the character and the honour of Zia Pasha, who has just been appointed to the Vilayet of Angora, and no doubt can exist as to his importance and capability, they have hesitated to agree that a Vali who has not yet given suffi cient proof of these qualifications should be put at the head of a province like Angora, which was the centre of the national organisa tions and operations, until the situation had improved and quiet and confidence had been completely restored.

Whereas, as the result of the correspondence that had passed between the Representative Committee and the acting Vali, as well as the military commandant of Angora, it has been taken as natural that the orders of the Government were to be obeyed (and this has actually been the case), the people themselves considering that the guaran tees against the dangers are inadequate have thought it necessary to appeal direct to the Government and request that the present acting Vali, who is regarded as being devoted to the national movement, should be allowed to remain at his post until complete confidence has been restored. Touching this last request, we had again exchanged opinions with the competent authorities at Angora and we tried to ensure the reception of Zia Pasha even if that should be fraught with difficulty solely because we had no desire to impair the in fluence and authority of the Government. But we have failed to convince the people, who are alarmed at the possible dangers which the revolutionary intrigues and the anarchical agitation we have referred to could produce.

Surely His Excellency the Pasha, the Minister of the Interior, will not fail accurately to estimate the importance and the difficulty of the present situation and to notice the indefatigable and fiendish behaviour on the part of our enemies. Considering that he has only been in office for a short time, it is natural that we should excuse him for not yet knowing which of the officials can be trusted, as well as the additional fact that Keshfi Bey, who was Undersecretary of State under Aadil Bey, is still at his post. That it behoves us to be very careful in the election of a higher official can easily be appreciated.

Consequently, we beg Your Excellency to exercise your influence to postpone for the time being the dispatch of Zia Pasha and inform us that you agree to this. Mustapha Kemal.

On the 28 th October Ali Fuad Pasha transmitted the contents of a telegram in cipher which our organisation in Constantinople had addressed personally to myself. The information in this telegram was important.

The incident referred to that happened at Tsherkess Bekir has been looked upon as the beginning of a revolt of the people at Ada Basar and its vicinity against the national forces. A Council, consist ing of His Imperial Majesty, Fend Pasha, Aadil Bey, Said Molla and Ali Kemal Bey, had discussed how they could gain advantage from this incident and had erected a mountain of conjectures out of it.

This telegram also contained information about the man Hikmet, whom we have already heard about. This individual had left Amasia two months earlier and had gone to Ada Basar. He noticed that all those who were hostile to his family and his person in this district had joined the national organisations. He declared that he came from Amasia, that he know me, and that he alone had any right to form a national organisation; further, that he had tried to get into touch with Sivas. He met with opposition; whereupon Hikmet formed a counter-organisation. Said Molla, who heard about this, discovered a way to win Hikmet over. He incited him to persecute the Christians.

I beg you not to look upon the information I am giving you about Hikmet and the intrigues of our enemies to cause an anti-Christian movement as being waste of time, because these details will make it easier for you to understand certain events which we shall see later resulted from them. (Documents 174, 175.)

In this connection I would like to draw your attention to a tele gram I sent to Djemal Pasha:

Ciphered. Sivas, 3* st October, 1919.

To His Excellency Djemal Pasha, Minister of War.

Your Excellency will surely be aware of what has been happening in the district of Ada Basar in opposition to the Government and the national forces. Although this incident, thanks to the will of the united nation and the appropriate and decisive steps taken by the Imperial Government to counteract it, has been nullified, germs of discord and anarchy still exist in this district. There is no doubt whatever that the national movement will succeed in suppressing them also. It has, however, been reported that Damad Ferid Pasha, the former Minister of the Interior, Aadil Bey and Kemal Bey, as well as Said Molla, are among the originators and organisers of this revolt. Besides their treason against the country, these persons have committed another serious and dangerous offence by spreading the base rumour that His Imperial Majesty has presumably been well informed about their criminal attempts.

We urgently beg the honourable Ministerial Council to acquaint His Imperial Majesty of this in such manner as appears to them most desirable. The nation and the organisations surely cannot credit these calumnies. We consider that it is of the greatest importance to dispel any kind of distrust by publishing an official dementi on the spot in the name of the Imperial Government, and qualify such actions on the part of these agitators as falsehoods disseminated to sully^the reputation of the national unity; also to institute the necessary inquiries about these malicious individuals with the view of taking legal pro ceedings against them. Mustapha Kemal.

In the name of the Representative Committee.

I have explained to you in a few words why we thought it necess ary to uphold and assist Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet as far as possible, in spite of our opinion of the people who comprised it.

After my return to Sivas from Amasia, at a meeting of the Represen tative Committee at which others of our colleagues were also present, I entered into the most detailed particulars about the meeting that had been held at Amasia, as well as other matters. At this meeting we arrived at the following resolution, which is literally shown on the page recording our conference on the 2g t!l October:

Considering that all the members of Ali Riza Pasha s Cabinet, with the Grand Vizier at their head, are weaklings incapable of acting with decision and have no higher ambition than to make themselves popu lar with and welcome to His Imperial Majesty; that some of them are favourably inclined towards and others antagonistic to the na tional movement; that His Majesty would be ready on the first favourable opportunity that presented itself to replace them by a Cabinet that will be strong enough to uphold autocracy, the Representative Committee determines and resolves that it is in the interest of the country and the nation to keep this Cabinet in power until the National Assembly has met and commenced its legislative duties.”

We actually passed this resolution. Let me tell you something that occurred to support it.

Our organisation in Constantinople sent us certain information on the 31 st October, which according to them emanated from a trust worthy source. This is what they said:

Tor the last two days, Kiras Hamdi Pasha has been going to the Imperial Palace and has remained there in audience for several hours. A plot has been hatched to form a Cabinet with Marshal SeM Pasha at its head. The other members are to include: Hamid Pasha, Minister of War; Prince Sabaheddin, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Tewfik Hamdi Bey, Minister of the Interior. Eshref, Mahir Said and others will be given the remaining portfolios. Sabaheddin and Mahir Said have not as yet been officially consulted. It is possible that His Majesty at a convenient moment, perhaps in the course of the next day or two, will propose to Ali Riza Pasha that he hands in his resignation. The party and the secret society we have mentioned before are involved in this plot.”

Then we wrote to Djemal Pasha on the 2 nd November, asking him to tell the Grand Vizier that he must not resign for any reason whatever, and that if he does the whole country will definitely break off all communication with Stambul. (Document 176.)

All the military commandants in Rumelia and Anatolia were informed about the actual state of affairs and the contents of this telegram, and were given to understand that all information concerning current events must be communicated to the general committees of the “Union for the Defence of the Rights” with which they were in direct touch. (Document 177.)

After Salih Pasha had returned to Stambul we entered into com munication with the Government on the question mentioned in the minutes of the 21 st October, and which during the course of my remarks I have emphasised as being of special importance, namely, the place where the Chamber of Deputies should meet. I am sure that the representations made to the Government through Djemal Pasha, as well as our own observations, are worthy of being re membered. As you will be able yourselves to form an idea about the exchange of opinions from the minutes of the first meetings of the Grand National Assembly, I think it will be unnecessary for me to refer to this question again. Our exchanges of opinion and our discussions, however, on this point were not confined to the cor respondence we carried on with the Government and with Djemal Pasha.

We insisted on ascertaining the views of the whole of the country and, especially, those of our organisations hi Constantinople.

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